Thursday, September 4, 2025

"How To Drive a Tank"

 

Yeah I shamelessly clipped this from "Art of Manliness", I thought it was pretty good, and those of us that were in the "Big Green Weenie" would appreciate the trapsie down memory lane, LOL.  I never drove a Patton, but I drove tracks, trucks, jeeps, hummvees, deuce and a half's, 5 tons, 548, 1008, 1009, 1028's and I am grateful I never learned to drive a gamma goat.

Step-by-step illustrated guide on How to Drive a Tank, featuring labeled instructions for entering, starting, shifting, steering, and moving the vehicle. Perfect for anyone curious about tank driving basics.

     

There you are, captured behind enemy lines, locked in a makeshift POW camp. Your only chance of escape? The M60 Patton tank sitting unguarded just beyond the fence. If you’re able to get inside it, would you be able to start it up and pilot the tank for a getaway?

While you might never find yourself needing to commandeer a tank for a daring escape, there’s something undeniably appealing about knowing how to operate one of these steel monsters. Tony Borglum, owner of Drive a Tank in Minnesota, has taught thousands of people the basics of tank operation, and in this illustrated guide, we’ll share his instructions for piloting an M60 Patton.

Why the M60 Patton?

Because it was so dang ubiquitous in the second half of the 20th century.

Most of us grew up playing with little green army men. That tank in your collection was almost certainly modeled after the M60 Patton. Named after one of America’s greatest tank strategists, General George Patton, the M60 was the backbone of American armored forces for decades after WWII. This 52-ton beast saw action from the Cold War through Desert Storm, earning its reputation as one of the most reliable tanks ever built.

Because we’re showing you how to drive an M60 Patton, we thought it only fitting to have Old Blood and Guts himself show you the ropes. 

Wednesday, September 3, 2025

How did the Japanese Soldiers think of the American Weapons from WWII

 I was looking for information about Germans and their reaction to the Garand and I didn't as of yet find any information, but I found some information about the Japanese.   And I can attest to the poor condition of the Japanese Rifles.  I had a chance to buy a Japanese "99" Arisaka rifle and it still had the unstruck through "Chrysanthemum" on it, but the quality was so bad as far as metallurgy and woodwork, you can tell that it was a late-war rifle.  It would have been a "safequeen".  I didn't buy it, but I seriously considered it.


A guy named "Richard Griffin" on Quora posted this answer.

So, here’s a fun fact. Most Japanese soldiers never had a rifle in WW2.

The motto of the Marines is “Every marine a rifleman” (or whatever the current gender neutral term is now). The rifle is core to Marine philosophy and training. Shooting for your rifle qualification badge is the Big Day in Boot Camp. Every Marine in combat from frontline troops to cooks and bakers is issued a rifle and is expected to be able to use it, accurately, at any time.

The IJA, on the other hand, never had the manufacturing capacity to adopt a similar policy. Given the sheer brutality meted out to enlisted soldiers by NCOs and officers, I’m not sure they trusted their troops enough to hand them out wholesale even if they could.

Rifles were issued to frontline Japanese troops only. My father was a combat Marine on New Britain, Peleliu, and Okinawa during the war. He said the Japanese were fierce fighters but, in the very few cases where the Marines broke through the front lines, it was a slaughter because rear echelon Japanese troops weren’t armed.

The Arisaka rifles the Japanese used were capable but I’m sure the Japanese would have been interested in the rugged and reliable M1s. But, it was never going to become the basis for a new Japanese rifle model. They simply did not have the resources for the full-scale tooling and production changeovers it would have required. They weren’t even able to complete the replacement of the Arisaka Type 38 rifle (first produced in 1905) with the newer Type 99 model. And by the end of the war, production quality for any rifle produced by the Japanese had badly degraded.

And even if those problems had been solved, they still faced the enormous problem that most of their troops were not trained to effectively use them. In most cases, they had never even seen a rifle before they were conscripted.

(For the record, my Dad (rated an Expert Rifleman) much preferred the M1 carbine over the rifle. As recon scouts, he and his men had the luxury of choosing what to carry. His 250 lb tri-state wrestling champ buddy chose a drum-fed Thompson SMG. Dad was 165 pounds and appreciated the much lighter carbine. But they made their choices for the same reason: the nature of their mission made the chance of a fight at close range and from any direction more likely. The Thompson was absolutely devastating at close range while the carbine was much faster to bring on target than the longer, heavier rifle.)

EDIT: I should note that there is sizable segment of the USMC that disagrees with the “Every Marine A Rifleman” doctrine.

These would be those with Military Occupational Specialty (MOS) 0311 - Infantry Rifleman. Along with machine gunners and mortarmen, they are the “grunts”, the line infantry that actually take, hold and defend ground in combat. To them, everyone else is a “POG” (People Other than Grunts) and therefore a lesser form of marine life.

They make the case that the doctrine should be more accurately labeled “Every Marine Knows How To Shoot A Rifle”. Achieving just that is actually very impressive, but there is a lot more training and skills needed to be an effective rifleman than firing at stationary targets on a rifle range, under controlled conditions, with no one shooting back.

They have a strong case. Dad led a recon scout platoon which was a dangerous enough job. But recon scouts were not considered expendable and standing orders were to break off from enemy contact as fast as possible and head back to friendly territory. The grunts have never had that option - standing orders for rifleman are usually to close with and destroy the enemy. One moves away from the bullets; the other moves towards them.

Dad watched in awe as the 1st Marines charged up the sheer cliffs of Bloody Nose Ridge on Peleliu, get thrown back with enormous losses, fight off counter attacks all night, get up the next day and do it again, day after day. .

[A section of Bloody Nose Ridge on Peleliu. These are actually shallower slopes. Many were sheer cliffs. The 1st Marines charged (or climbed) up these slopes under withering enemy fire, with a heat index of around 115 degrees for five days before they were relieved. The casualty rate was 70% - the highest in Marine Corps history.

But it gets worse. One universal factor in combat is how thirsty it makes troops. even when it doesn’t occur in an unbelievably hot hellscape. See those discarded barrels in the foreground? Some idiot supply officer decided that used diesel barrels was a fine way to transport potable water to the frontline troops. Anyone who tried to drink this tainted water became violently sick.

WARNING: A very graphic picture is attached below. Continue with caution.

Two incredible pictures really capture what this fight was like. The artist Tom Lea worked for Life magazine and was attached to a Marine platoon on Peleliu.

The first was drawn from an incident that happened in front of Tom on the first day of battle. It captured the moment of death of a young rifleman that had a mortar round hit directly in front of him.

It was published in the nationally distributed Life, with the express encouragement of the White House. The administration was increasingly concerned that Americans at home were becoming complacent about the horrible cost of this war. FDR wanted to shock them back to reality. And it did:

“The Price” by Tom Lea

Six days of fighting in conditions like this led to the second picture:

“The Two Thousand Yard Stare” by Tom Lea

This is why Dad always made it clear that he was not a war hero and that his heroes were the line riflemen.]

In recognition of this real skills gap, the Corps introduced a Revised Battle Skills Test in 2018. It provided a more comprehensive set of combat skills they want all Marines to possess in order to move closer to the “EMAR” philosophy.

Just wanted to clarify this to recognize the unbroken 248-year tradition of courage and valor by Marine riflemen. Someone noted in the comments section that the Japanese were impressed with American firepower. Probably true, but, if so, it wasn’t the rifle that provided it. It was the men standing behind them.

Tuesday, September 2, 2025

 Last week I had done a post on "Japanese Last Ditch Small Arms of WWII" andI remembered doing an article on the Japanese "Garand" years ago. so I dug it up.

I snagged this off "American Rifleman" It was fascinating read.  I thought it was a different take on the Garand, I do know that the Germans had a different opinion on the Garand, the German Army Ordinance people didn't like the Garand, they hated the sights and they considered the 8 round clip limiting.  But we American considered the Rifle excellent for our needs and the rifle served us well.  I know, I owned one until my untimely Kayak accident *Sniff, Sniff*.


jagar.jpg

The Japanese Type 4 semi-automatic is one of the most sought-after rifles by military collectors. Interest in it spans the spectrum from those who specialize in Japanese military arms to collectors of U.S. M1 Garand rifles to collectors of military rifles in general.

The Type 4 has been erroneously identified as the Type 5 in recent years. In the past, very little was known about development of the rifle. Model identification was established originally through information in a World War II U.S. Army Ordnance report where basic description, history and designation of the rifle as a Type 5 were presented.

In the same report, however, references were made to recovery of Type 4 semi-automatic rifle drawings at Yokosuka Naval Arsenal, which somewhat muddied the water. The Type 5/Type 4 argument has continued among collectors for some time. Examples marked Type 4 have shown up in recent years, and more information has become available that points to the proper nomenclature being Type 4. That said, the Type 4 is still recognized by collectors as a single variation when, in actuality, five variants of this very rare rifle have been identified.

Development of the Type 4 semi-automatic has its roots in an Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) semi-automatic development program initiated in mid-1931. The Imperial Japanese Navy (IJN) relied on army arsenals as a source of small arms for land-based personnel, so it sat on the sidelines and watched the IJA semi-automatic development program with special interest.

Initially, in the 1931 timeframe, Nambu Rifle Mfg. Co. was issued a development contract for a semi-automatic rifle intended for army use. Later, the program was expanded to include Tokyo Gas & Electric, Nippon Special Steel (NSS) and Tokyo Army Arsenal (Koishikawa). Nambu initiated development work with a gas-operated design featuring the army-specified five-round magazine. Tokyo Gas & Electric reverse engineered the Czech ZH-29 rifle, examples of which had been captured in Manchuria in 1931.

Nippon Special Steel presented a novel gas-operated toggle configuration, and Koishikawa provided a copy of the American-designed Pedersen rifle. In the case of the Pedersen design, J.D. Pedersen had taken his U.S. Ordnance Dept. trials rifle to Japan in the 1935 period seeking additional interest in the rifle. At the time Pedersen presented his rifle to Japanese army ordnance officers, they were not satisfied with progress on rifle development by private companies, and decided the army should develop a competitive rifle based on the Pedersen design. After all, they were being assured that the U.S. and Great Britain were in the process of adopting the configuration for the using services, so the design must be a winner.

The program, which now included the IJA itself as a contender in development of a satisfactory design, continued until 1937, at which time the program was curtailed. Politics were involved in the decision to stop the program, but of primary importance were the facts that military production was stretched to the limit with the expanding war in China, and it was readily apparent that Japan just did not have the production capacity to build the number of rifles required.

first experimental Garand copy
The rear of the receiver on the first experimental Garand copy is flat-faced and faceted. A slot on its underside allows for engagement of a recoil lug.


The semi-automatic program was reinstated in 1941. The using services were demanding more firepower, plus military use of semi-automatic rifles was becoming more and more common throughout the world. Since private industry in Japan was so focused on production for the war effort, the IJA set up a competition between two design groups within the army arsenal system, a unit at Kokura Arsenal and the small arms staff at the research center in Tokyo. The program continued until mid-1943 when it was halted because of similar issues faced previously, plus, very importantly, the failure to develop a satisfactory configuration for production.

diagram
This drawing shows how first- and second-variation Type 4 rifles locked during assembly by way of hooks on the trigger guard that gripped external lugs on the receiver.

The IJN was very disappointed in the IJA’s actions. The IJN needed more firepower for its land-based units, and the naval paratroop command desperately wanted a version of the semi-automatic rifle for its units. Japanese navy development of a semi-automatic rifle probably began in some form or other immediately after the army program ceased in mid-1943. Regardless, the program was included in a list of IJN ordnance action items for Fiscal Year 1944 (April 1943–March 1944) with three naval arsenals scheduled to participate—Yokosuka, Kure and Mazrui.

All three, however, were already working at full capacity, so arrangements were made for rifle development to be done on a spare-time basis at Yokosuka Naval Arsenal only. Development of the new rifle was carried out in the machine gun plant of Yokosuka Arsenal, specifically the third floor of the plant, as a spare-time activity in conjunction with production of 25 mm anti-aircraft cannons, Lewis machine guns and Vickers machine guns. With demand for machine gun production so high, priority could not under those circumstances be given to the semi-automatic-rifle program.

Even though a spare-time activity, the timeline for development of the new rifle remained very short. It has to be assumed that only one rifle was under consideration—the U.S. M1 Garand—because of the short timeline and no evidence of another design being evaluated. Captured samples of the M1 were warehoused at Yokosuka.

Stores of M1s had been found warehoused in Manila after occupation by the Japanese in 1942. Some were transported by the IJN back to Japan. The U.S. M1 represented a successful design in wide use, so IJN engineers decided to modify some of the captured rifles to 7.7x58 mm Japanese, the rimless cartridge standardized for use in the Type 99 bolt-action infantry rifle. In early 1944, 10 rifles were modified to 7.7x58 mm for testing. Functional testing and evaluation proved to be highly satisfactory. This success led to full development of the Garand copy.

front of the receiver
A small 2.5 mm-tall numeral “4” at the front of the receiver identifies this specimen as the fourth iteration in a series of test rifles.


First Variation Experimental Type 4 Rifle (Tool Room Example)

The overall brief development period leaves the impression that design and fabrication of the experimental Garand must have proceeded concurrently with modification of the 10 M1s in the early part of 1944. This was a success-oriented program with a lot of objectives to be met in a very short period of time.

Development from the toolroom example to the initiation of production took place during the first 10 months of 1944. Keep in mind that time must have been allowed during that period for tooling design and development, in addition to locating dedicated machinery. Very importantly, an initial effort had to be made to verify that Japanese ordnance had the capability of manufacturing all components of the rifle, some of which are very complex.

What I believe to be the toolroom rifle, or first experimental M1 copy, is functionally very similar to the M1 Garand; however, there are a few key differences. Attempts at simplification and improvement, those changes to the Garand include:

a.) 10-round integral magazine fed by standard five-round stripper clips instead of the M1’s eight-round en bloc clip.

b.) Ramp-type rear sight.

c.) Recoil lug integral with upper buttstock wrist tang instead of recoil absorption through upper stock ferrule.

d.) Lockup of the rifle through hooks attached to the trigger guard, which engage receiver lugs on back of magazine box instead of entering recesses in the receiver.

e.) Trigger housing retained to buttstock with screws instead of falling free during disassembly of the rifle.

f.) Simplified machining of receiver.

The specimen described has no serial number or markings, so it is thought to be the first and only example of its type that was fabricated. If more than one specimen were fabricated, typically, the rifles would be serialized, if only to prevent the mixing of hand-fitted parts.

Machining of the components of the single specimen known is crude where finish is not important to form, fit or function, and the rifle shows haste in fabrication. For example, the barrel, normally a long-lead item, is from a Type 99 rifle and has been modified to fit the new receiver. The Type 99 rear sight was obviously knocked off the barrel with a hammer during rebuild, leaving screw shanks still embedded in the barrel.

Mauser-style ramp rear sight
The Mauser-style ramp rear sight on this pre-production Type 4 is one of the major differences that are readily apparent when comparing the Japanese and American versions of Garand rifles.


The rifle was originally obtained in an incomplete state. Only the barrel and receiver group was available. To complete the rifle to its original configuration, the buttstock and trigger housing group had to be configured and machined. This wasn’t very hard because features on the barrel and receiver group dictated the design of replacement components.

The original rifle probably failed at some point during testing, and the remaining parts were acquired by a veteran as a souvenir. The magazine well has significant powder residue and shows evidence of extensive firing. Most likely, this is the rifle described in U.S. Army Ordnance reports as being introduced to the paratroop command in March 1944.

Features on the toolroom example, plus subsequent test and production models, were required to meet paratroop requirements by configuration. The paratroop command desired a folding or break-down design, shortened in the stored state for transport in a soldier’s pack or leg bag. The U.S. M1 rifle breaks down into multiple segments, one of which is the trigger housing assembly.

The Japanese version, as designed, breaks down into two segments, the difference being the trigger housing assembly is retained to the buttstock group through the use of screws, plus the upper stock ferrule is retained in place via three small nails. The Japanese Type 2 paratrooper rifle, the mainline paratrooper arm at the time, breaks down into two segments; thus, the Japanese M1 copy meets existing IJN paratrooper command requirements. Very importantly, as development of the rifle progressed to the production design, features “c” and “d” were replaced by the tried-and-true equivalent features on the U.S. M1 rifle. Only the novel features “a,” “b” and “e” remained. 
 

A U.S. Army Ordnance bulletin put together in late 1945 presents perhaps the most accurate assessment of Washino’s production effort. The report states that the factory had no production machinery, so it was assembling rifles from parts that were most likely furnished by Yokosuka Arsenal.

Second Variation Experimental Type 4 Rifle

As far as we know, the second variation of the experimental Type 4 rifle exists only in drawing form today. High-quality assembly drawings of the rifle have been recovered from the archives of the Japan Self Defense Force (JSDF) in Tokyo. The drawings show most all of the features of the final configuration of the Type 4, including the revised magazine box with external cap integral with the magazine floorplate. The action-locking features of the first variation are retained, which are locking hooks integral with the trigger guard that engage similar lugs on the backside of the receiver magazine box as the trigger guard is rotated to the closed position, thus locking the rifle components together. The drawing is very detailed and appears to be a production-level drawing, not one of an experimental rifle. It is complete to the point of including accessories, such as a cleaning apparatus and paratrooper accessories such as a waist ammunition belt. So, either the design group was jumping ahead without proof of successful testing, or initial testing with the first prototype had exceeded expectations. No examples of the second variation have been reported, so whether this specimen was actually built is unknown. 

Third Variation Experimental Type 4 Rifle

It is only a small step to reach the final Type 4 configuration. The drawings for the second variation incorporate most of the changes to reach the final stage except for the locking mechanism. The third variation substitutes the locking features of the U.S. M1 rifle. Locking lugs on the M1 are configured differently, and enter recesses in the receiver. Rotating and latching the trigger guard locks the assembly together. Keep in mind that the Japanese version had heretofore featured locking lugs external to the magazine box. The IJN may have switched to the M1 design simply to guarantee success in a timely fashion by minimizing any unforeseen development problems.

One example of the experimental third variation has been examined. Typical of the Japanese procedure in serializing experimental production, the rifle exhibits only a small numeral “4” on the front top of the receiver. No other components are marked. Only one specimen so marked has been reported. The rifle shows results of extensive testing with serious bore wear. 

Type 4 Pre-Production Rifle For Field Test

With the final configuration set for production, the rifle was adopted by the IJN as the Type 4 rifle. Examples were hurriedly fabricated at Yokosuka Naval Arsenal for field testing prior to mass production. They were reportedly shipped to ground units in China, the islands and to the IJN paratroop command within Japan for extended field tests. That plan could involve a sizable number of rifles, but, most likely, only a handful were distributed.

These rifles exhibited model, arsenal of production and serial numbers on the receiver, along with the month and year of production. The receiver markings on the two examined are inconsistent and hand-engraved, showing a lack of overall process control and also illustrating how fast the program was moving. The rifle with Serial No. 6 has the Yokosuka identification on the line with date of manufacture, while Serial No. 5 has the Yokosuka identification on the line with the serial number. Specimen Serial No. 6 had been examined and found to have all parts matched to the serial number. Only two specimens of this type have been reported.

Japanese Garand markings
Receiver stamps on the heel of this Japanese Garand include (from top to bottom): Type 4, Serial No. 6 and Yokosuka 19-10.

Type 4 Production (Washino Factory)

Testing of the prototype rifles revealed problems with parts breakage, insufficient recoil and associated feeding difficulties. Even with these problems, testing was considered successful enough to initiate production. Yokosuka Naval Arsenal was not able to support production, so plans were made to shift the work to a private company: Washino Kikai Co., in Aichi-ken.

A U.S. Army Ordnance bulletin put together in late 1945 presents perhaps the most accurate assessment of Washino’s production effort. The report states that the factory had no production machinery, so it was assembling rifles from parts which were most likely furnished by Yokosuka Arsenal. Furthermore, only 50 rifles had been assembled at the war’s end, even though parts for 150 rifles were on hand. None of the rifles had passed final inspection, and the rifles were found in various stages of completion at the factory.

Production of the rifle had stopped prior to war’s end because of functioning problems identified as insufficient recoil from the less powerful 7.7 mm cartridge 
to eject and chamber another round from the magazine of tested rifles. At Washino Kikai Co., personnel were production-oriented, and no engineer was on staff to solve test problems that may have been encountered, so the company was awaiting instructions from Yokosuka on how to correct the problem and proceed.

While Type 4 production was at a standstill, new orders were received from the IJN to cease production of the rifle in favor of a new aircraft engine contract. When U.S. Ordnance personnel visited the Washino factory in late 1945 after the cessation of hostilities, they found production in the process of switching to an aircraft engine. Even though the production line was being changed, special machinery was at the same time arriving at the factory for rifle parts production. All this illustrates late-war confusion in Japanese production.

I have catalogued 33 Washino-assembled rifles. None are marked externally, indicating no final inspection, but each has an assembly number on the underside of the receiver to match up parts at the assembly stage. The addition of serial number and final inspection symbols were to be added only after successful testing of each rifle. The highest assembly number recorded is No. 58, and that corresponds nicely with U.S. Army Ordnance reported data showing 50 assembled rifles found at the factory at war’s end.

Monday, September 1, 2025

Labor Day, Monday Music "Allentown" by Billy Joel

 



  I am what is called a "old school unionist".  Unions served a purpose when they first started for the working conditions in the average facility was horrible, people were getting maimed and killed and the kids working the factories at a young age to help out their families but they were not able to go to school and having to work, with little education guaranteed them being virtual slaves.  My experience with unions was that I was a "shop steward" for the automotive union.  I got the job by my peers because I knew the contract backward and forward and I would go toe to toe with any one.   I was the only republican to hold union office. A bunch of us found a home in the "America First" movement of Donald Trump I found my experience interesting, with few exceptions I found myself working with the same group of people, they wanted to get paid but not work.  I used a formula, 5% of the workforce utilized 95% of my time as they gamed and played the system.  I heeded my oath of office to do the best I could and I did, I was successful.  I would have the rank and file members always complain that "the union are saving the sorry asses."  And I agreed.  I was an employee and a Ford Stockholder and I wanted them gone but as a union rep, I had to do the best I could and I did.  I almost wished the union was self policing and got the sorry asses gone on their own.   I would have the same slackers tell me that "Ford owes me a job", and when I go outside in the parking lot, I would see the latest offering from the Japanese companies.  I would then ask the dirtbags " what about a Ford?  their response was "F*ck Ford, it be my money."  I would then call them" a hypocritical 2 face suns of bitches."  They would then threaten to whip my ass, I would reply "if you feel froggy, jump to it."  They would complain to the chairman about me but I never got any complaints from him.   What I meant by an "old school unionist" was that the union was our balance against the corporations, I don't agree with government unions.  Walther Reuther one of the founders of the UAW considered a government union to be incorrect.  In the traditional relationship, the union and company knew how much the other can stand and still pay and stay in business.  Contrary to popular belief, the unions don't want the company to go out of business for it is the livelihood of their members....Little Debbie and Yellow Trucking not withstanding.   With the government unions, the people representing the "company" are politicians, they don't feel the pain for their decisions.  The decisions are then pushed on the communities and there is no check and balance.  Walther Reuther believed in community and the community would pay the freight for the negotiated contract between the government unions and the politicians and he knew that it would be lopsided. 




Most of the world marks Labor Day on May 1 with parades and rallies. Americans celebrate it in early September, by heading to the beach or firing up the grill. Why the discrepancy? Here’s a hint: The answer would have been a great disappointment to Frederick Engels.
Engels, the co-author of The Communist Manifesto, had high hopes for May Day, which originated in the United States. When the socialist-dominated organization known as the Second International jumped on the American bandwagon and adopted May 1 as International Labor Day, Engels confidently expected the proletariats of Europe and America to merge into one mighty labor movement and sweep capitalism into the dustbin of history.
Things didn’t work out that way, of course, and the divergent Labor Day celebrations are part of the story.


May Day’s origins can be traced to Chicago, where the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions, under its leader Samuel Gompers, mounted a general strike on May 1, 1886, as part of its push for an eight-hour work day. On May 4, during a related labor rally in Haymarket Square, someone threw a bomb, which killed a policeman and touched off a deadly mêlée. As a result, four radical labor leaders were eventually hanged on dubious charges.
In 1888, Gompers’s union reorganized itself as the American Federation of Labor, and revived its push for the eight-hour day. Gompers laid plans for a strike to begin on May 1, 1890–the fourth anniversary of the walkout that had led to the Haymarket affair. Meanwhile, in Paris, a group of labor leaders were meeting to establish the Second International. To these Europeans, the executed Chicago radicals were revered martyrs. In an act of solidarity, the Second International set May 1, 1890, as a day of protest.

Engels was thrilled. “As I write these lines, the proletariat of Europe and America is holding a review of its forces; it is organized for the first time as one army,” he wrote on the first May Day. “The spectacle we are now witnessing will make the capitalists and landowners of all lands realize that today the proletarians of all lands are, in very truth, united. If only Marx were with me to see it with his own eyes!”
The first May Day was deemed a success, so the Second International adopted it as an annual event. And for a few years, it seemed as though May 1 might be on the way to becoming a rallying point for socialists in America, as it was elsewhere. The Panic of 1893 touched off a national wave of bankruptcies that plunged the nation into a deep depression–and depressions generally push workers toward radical solutions. Things came to a boil with the Pullman Strike, which erupted in Chicago in May 1894. The striking Pullman Palace Car Co. workers quickly won the support of the American Railway Union, led by Gompers’s rival Eugene V. Debs. Railroad traffic in much of the country was paralyzed.
President Grover Cleveland, a conservative Democrat, was determined to squash the strike. But he did not want to alienate the American Federation of Labor, which was not yet involved in the Pullman dispute. Moreover, 1894 was a midterm election year, and the Democratic Party could ill afford to be seen as an enemy of labor. Cleveland and the Democrats hit upon a possible solution: They would proclaim a national Labor Day to honor the worker. But not on May 1–that date was tainted by its association with socialists and anarchists. Fortunately, an alternative was at hand.
Back in September 1882, certain unions had begun to celebrate a Labor Day in New York City. By 1894, this event was an annual late-summer tradition in New York and had been adopted by numerous states, but it was not a national holiday. Nor was it associated with the radicals who ran the Second International, and who liked to run riot on May Day.

On the contrary, the September date was closely associated with Gompers, who was campaigning to have it declared a national holiday. Gompers opposed the socialists and was guiding the AFL toward a narrower and less-radical agenda. Gratefully, Cleveland seized upon the relatively innocuous September holiday as a way to reward labor without endorsing radicalism. On June 28, 1894, he signed an act of Congress establishing Labor Day as a federal holiday on the first Monday of September. (He made a point of sending the signing pen to Gompers as a souvenir.) Less than a week later, the president sent federal troops to Chicago. Gompers refused to support the strike, which soon collapsed.
With his union in ruins, Debs went into politics, but his Socialist Party ultimately failed to catch on as America’s party of the left. Organized labor did not regain its momentum until the 1930s–and by that point, Gompers’s September holiday had been institutionalized as America’s Labor Day. May Day, meanwhile, had become the occasion for big annual parades in Moscow’s Red Square, which did not improve that holiday’s reputation in the United States.


May Day today is well established in most of the world as International Labor Day. May 1 also remains a traditional date on which leftists and anarchists of various stripes take to the streets to demonstrate their scorn for capitalism. But America, which has proved impervious to socialism, still celebrates Labor Day in September–and not by marching. AFL officials in New York long ago gave up holding their annual parade on Labor Day itself, because it could not compete with the prospect of a three-day weekend. The parade in recent years has been held on the following Saturday, and even so has been sparsely attended. This year, it has been canceled altogether.
Only 12% of the U.S. workforce belongs to a union these days, down from a peak of 33.2% in 1955. But whether they belong to a union or not, most Americans still have to work, so they appreciate a day off–and they prefer to spend it by relaxing, rather than storming the barricades.

On this  Monday Music. I am going with "Allentown" from Billy Joel, I remember a line from the song, "The jobs went away and the union people crawled away" this happened when in the video it showed a worker getting his pink slip while in the shower.  I thought about this when my job went away at Ford Motor Company.


 Inside the door of my toolbox at work, I kept my
Old Ford Toolbox and modified it. 


Don't get me wrong, I understand why Ford did what they did and they treated us good in a really bad situation.  I was the only republican to hold union office, I was a heck of a good shop steward.  The rank and file knew it, I didn't hide it, and half of them voted for the GOP despite the union recommending anybody democrat.  I had my own issues with the democratic party, even back then, they treated the UAW as an ATM, mention "worker platitudes" and they would take our money, but they were beholding to the environmental movement.  and I knew if the environmental groups had their way, my job would be gone.  Well it went away anyway. but it was for different reasons.

Stickers on my old gun safe.

        I got lucky, I got hired by a local airline and am a chemtrail technician now and doing very well, unlike many of my Ford peeps,   they didn't do so well.  It was difficult making the adjustments.  Even now I am sensitive to the subject of "Outsourcing". 

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"Allentown" is a song by American singer Billy Joel, which first appeared on Joel's The Nylon Curtain (1982) album, accompanied by a conceptual music video. It later appeared on Joel's Greatest Hits: Volume II (1985), 2000 Years: The Millennium Concert (2000), The Essential Billy Joel (2001), and 12 Gardens Live (2006) albums. Also, it was featured in Hangover II (2011) "Allentown" is the lead track on The Nylon Curtain, which was the seventh best-selling album of the year in 1982. The song reached #17 on the Billboard Hot 100, spending six consecutive weeks at that position and certified gold. Despite the song placing no higher than #17 on the weekly Billboard Hot 100 chart, it was popular enough to place at #43 on the Billboard year-end Hot 100 chart for 1982.
Upon its release, and especially in subsequent years, "Allentown" has emerged as an anthem of blue collar America, representing both the aspirations and frustrations of America's working class in the late 20th century.





The song's theme is of the resolve of those coping with the demise of the American manufacturing industry in the latter part of the 20th century. More specifically, it depicts the depressed, blue-collar livelihood of residents of Allentown, Pennsylvania and Bethlehem, Pennsylvania in the wake of Bethlehem Steel's decline and eventual closure. Joel witnessed this first-hand while performing at the Lehigh Valley's numerous music venues and colleges at the start of his career in the late 1960s and early 1970s.
The introductory rhythm of the song is reminiscent of the sound of a rolling mill converting steel ingots into I-beams or other shapes. Such a sound was commonly heard throughout South Bethlehem when the Bethlehem Steel plant was in operation from 1857 through 1995.
     When Joel first started writing the song, it was originally named "Levittown", after the Long Island town right next to Hicksville, the town in which Joel had grown up. He had originally written a chord progression and lyrics for the song, but struggled for a topic for the song. Joel remembered reading about the decline of the steel industry in the Lehigh Valley, which included the small cities of both Bethlehem and Allentown. While the steel industry was based in Bethlehem with none of it in Allentown, Joel named the song "Allentown" because it sounded better and it was easier to find other words to rhyme with "Allentown." Although Joel started writing the song in the late 1970s, it wasn't finished until 1982.



A year after the song was released, the mayor of Allentown sent a letter to Joel about giving some of his royalties to the town. Mayor Joseph Daddona, who sent the letter, said it would help for scholarships for future musicians. On January 20, 1983, the letter was mailed to Joel, and a local paper published an article on the subject the next day, quoting Daddona as saying: "Not only would this fund be a great way to share a tiny part of your good fortune to others in Allentown, it would also help keep alive the 'Allentown' song and the Billy Joel legend (which you've already become here)."
When Joel performed the song in Leningrad during the concert recorded and later released as Концерт, he introduced the song by analogizing the situation to that faced by Soviet youths: "This song is about young people living in the Northeast of America. Their lives are miserable because the steel factories are closing down. They desperately want to leave... but they stay because they were brought up to believe that things were going to get better. Maybe that sounds familiar."


The video, directed by Russell Mulcahy and featuring choreography by Kenny Ortega, was in heavy rotation on MTV during 1982 and 1983. The original version of the video features partial male nudity when male coal workers are taking a shower at the beginning, but that part was edited when it aired on MTV. (Although it has aired uncut on both VH1 Classic and MTV Classic in recent years.)