I got my times mixed up...I was thinking my Monday was Sunday so I didn't publish a Monday Music on Monday. I went out on Monday to go to the range to help my brother out. That will be the subject of a following post. Now back to Monday Music, I always liked the clash but unfortunately they didn't survive the rise to fame, it clashed with their ideals and they had problems dealing with it. The Clash was part of the British Punk scene in the late 70's and early 80's.
Combat Rock is the fifth studio album by the English rock band the Clash. It was released on 14 May 1982 through CBS Records.
In the United Kingdom, the album charted at number 2, spending 23 weeks
in the UK charts and peaked at number 7 in the United States, spending
61 weeks on the chart. Combat Rock is the group's best-selling album, being certified double platinum in the United States. It contained two of the Clash's most popular songs, the singles "Rock the Casbah" and "Should I Stay or Should I Go". Combat Rock was the last Clash album featuring the classic lineup when Topper Headon left the band after completing the Album and Mick Jones left in 1983.
"Should I Stay or Should I Go" is a song by the English punk rock band the Clash, from their album Combat Rock. It was written in 1981 and featured Mick Jones on lead vocals. It became the band's only number-one single on the UK Singles Chart, a decade after it was originally released. In November 2004, it was ranked at 228 on Rolling Stone "The 500 Greatest Songs of All Time" list.In 2009 it was ranked 42nd on VH1's program 100 Greatest Hard Rock Songs.
Many rumours have arisen about the song's content, such as Jones'
impending dismissal from the Clash or the rocky personal relationship
between Jones and singer Ellen Foley, but Jones himself says:
It wasn't about anybody specific and it wasn't pre-empting my leaving
The Clash. It was just a good rockin' song, our attempt at writing a
classic... When we were just playing, that was the kind of thing we used
to like to play. – Mick Jones, 1991
The Spanish backing vocals were sung by Joe Strummer and Joe Ely:
On the spur of the moment I said 'I'm going to do the backing vocals
in Spanish,' ... We needed a translator so Eddie Garcia, the tape
operator, called his mother in Brooklyn Heights and read her the lyrics
over the phone and she translated them. But Eddie and his mum are
Ecuadorian, so it's Ecuadorian Spanish that me and Joe Ely are singing
on the backing vocals. – Joe Strummer, 1991
My Blog buddy Jim A.K.A. "The old wise gray one" released his 4th "Gray Man" book.
Here is the Linkie to order either the digital or dead tree. I get both. Digital to read on my tablet and the dead tree version, autographed for close family. Order and read the book. I have read all the prior books and I feel like the characters are family as well as I know them. Reading those books is like visiting good friends as they go through their trials and tribulations but somehow you know that they will succeed because of the caliber of people they are.
I am doing a post that I started last year on Labor day. I am what is called a "old school unionist". Unions served a purpose when they first started for the working conditions in the average facility was horrible, people were getting maimed and killed and the kids working the factories at a young age to help out their families but they were not able to go to school and having to work, with little education guaranteed them being virtual slaves. My experience with unions was that I was a "shop steward" for the automotive union. I got the job by my peers because I knew the contract backward and forward and I would go toe to toe with any one. I was the only republican to hold union office. I found my experience interesting, with few exceptions I found myself working with the same group of people, they wanted to get paid but not work. I used a formula, 5% of the workforce utilized 95% of my time as they gamed and played the system. I heeded my oath of office to do the best I could and I did, I was successful. I would have the rank and file members always complain that "the union are saving the sorry asses." And I agreed. I was an employee and a Ford Stockholder and I wanted them gone but as a union rep, I had to do the best I could and I did. I almost wished the union was self policing and got the sorry asses gone on their own. I would have the same slackers tell me that "Ford owes me a job", and when i go outside in the parking lot, I would see the latest offering from the Japanese companies. I would then ask the dirtbags " what about a Ford? their response was "F*ck Ford, it be my money." I would then call them" a hypocritical 2 face suns of bitches." They would then threaten to whip my ass, I would reply "if you feel froggy, jump to it." They would complain to the chairman about me but I never got any complaints from him. What I meant by an "old school unionist" was that the union was our balance against the corporations, I don't agree with government unions. Walther Reuther one of the founders of the UAW considered a government union to be incorrect. In the traditional relationship, the union and company knew how much the other can stand and still pay and stay in business. Contrary to popular belief, the unions don't want the company to go out of business for it is the livelihood of their members....Little Debbie not withstanding. With the government unions, the people representing the "company" are politicians, they don't feel the pain for their decisions. The decisions are then pushed on the communities and there is no check and balance. Walther Reuther believed in community.
Most of the world marks Labor Day on May 1 with parades and rallies.
Americans celebrate it in early September, by heading to the beach or
firing up the grill. Why the discrepancy? Here’s a hint: The answer
would have been a great disappointment to Frederick Engels.
Engels, the co-author of The Communist Manifesto, had high
hopes for May Day, which originated in the United States. When the
socialist-dominated organization known as the Second International
jumped on the American bandwagon and adopted May 1 as International
Labor Day, Engels confidently expected the proletariats of Europe and
America to merge into one mighty labor movement and sweep capitalism
into the dustbin of history.
Things didn’t work out that way, of course, and the divergent Labor Day celebrations are part of the story.
May Day’s origins can be traced to Chicago, where the Federation of
Organized Trades and Labor Unions, under its leader Samuel Gompers,
mounted a general strike on May 1, 1886, as part of its push for an
eight-hour work day. On May 4, during a related labor rally in Haymarket
Square, someone threw a bomb, which killed a policeman and touched off a
deadly mêlée. As a result, four radical labor leaders were eventually
hanged on dubious charges.
In 1888, Gompers’s union reorganized itself as the American
Federation of Labor, and revived its push for the eight-hour day.
Gompers laid plans for a strike to begin on May 1, 1890–the fourth
anniversary of the walkout that had led to the Haymarket affair.
Meanwhile, in Paris, a group of labor leaders were meeting to establish
the Second International. To these Europeans, the executed Chicago
radicals were revered martyrs. In an act of solidarity, the Second
International set May 1, 1890, as a day of protest.
Engels was thrilled. “As I write these lines, the proletariat of
Europe and America is holding a review of its forces; it is organized
for the first time as one army,” he wrote on the first May Day. “The
spectacle we are now witnessing will make the capitalists and landowners
of all lands realize that today the proletarians of all lands are, in
very truth, united. If only Marx were with me to see it with his own
eyes!”
The first May Day was deemed a success, so the Second International
adopted it as an annual event. And for a few years, it seemed as though
May 1 might be on the way to becoming a rallying point for socialists in
America, as it was elsewhere. The Panic of 1893 touched off a national
wave of bankruptcies that plunged the nation into a deep depression–and
depressions generally push workers toward radical solutions. Things came
to a boil with the Pullman Strike, which erupted in Chicago in May
1894. The striking Pullman Palace Car Co. workers quickly won the
support of the American Railway Union, led by Gompers’s rival Eugene V.
Debs. Railroad traffic in much of the country was paralyzed.
President Grover Cleveland, a conservative Democrat, was determined
to squash the strike. But he did not want to alienate the American
Federation of Labor, which was not yet involved in the Pullman dispute.
Moreover, 1894 was a midterm election year, and the Democratic Party
could ill afford to be seen as an enemy of labor. Cleveland and the
Democrats hit upon a possible solution: They would proclaim a national
Labor Day to honor the worker. But not on May 1–that date was tainted by
its association with socialists and anarchists. Fortunately, an
alternative was at hand.
Back in September 1882, certain unions had begun to celebrate a Labor
Day in New York City. By 1894, this event was an annual late-summer
tradition in New York and had been adopted by numerous states, but it
was not a national holiday. Nor was it associated with the radicals who
ran the Second International, and who liked to run riot on May Day.
On the contrary, the September date was closely associated with
Gompers, who was campaigning to have it declared a national holiday.
Gompers opposed the socialists and was guiding the AFL toward a narrower
and less-radical agenda. Gratefully, Cleveland seized upon the
relatively innocuous September holiday as a way to reward labor without
endorsing radicalism. On June 28, 1894, he signed an act of Congress
establishing Labor Day as a federal holiday on the first Monday of
September. (He made a point of sending the signing pen to Gompers as a
souvenir.) Less than a week later, the president sent federal troops to
Chicago. Gompers refused to support the strike, which soon collapsed.
With his union in ruins, Debs went into politics, but his Socialist
Party ultimately failed to catch on as America’s party of the left.
Organized labor did not regain its momentum until the 1930s–and by that
point, Gompers’s September holiday had been institutionalized as
America’s Labor Day. May Day, meanwhile, had become the occasion for big
annual parades in Moscow’s Red Square, which did not improve that
holiday’s reputation in the United States.
May Day today is well established in most of the world as
International Labor Day. May 1 also remains a traditional date on which
leftists and anarchists of various stripes take to the streets to
demonstrate their scorn for capitalism. But America, which has proved
impervious to socialism, still celebrates Labor Day in September–and not
by marching. AFL officials in New York long ago gave up holding their
annual parade on Labor Day itself, because it could not compete with the
prospect of a three-day weekend. The parade in recent years has been
held on the following Saturday, and even so has been sparsely attended.
This year, it has been canceled altogether.
Only 12% of the U.S. workforce belongs to a union these days, down
from a peak of 33.2% in 1955. But whether they belong to a union or not,
most Americans still have to work, so they appreciate a day off–and
they prefer to spend it by relaxing, rather than storming the
barricades.
May
Day today is well established in most of the world as International
Labor Day. May 1 also remains a traditional date on which leftists and
anarchists of various stripes take to the streets to demonstrate their
scorn for capitalism. But America, which has proved impervious to
socialism, still celebrates Labor Day in September–and not by marching.
AFL officials in New York long ago gave up holding their annual parade
on Labor Day itself, because it could not compete with the prospect of a
three-day weekend. The parade in recent years has been held on the
following Saturday, and even so has been sparsely attended. This year,
it has been canceled altogether.
Only 12% of the U.S. workforce belongs
to a union these days, down from a peak of 33.2% in 1955. But whether
they belong to a union or not, most Americans still have to work, so
they appreciate a day off–and they prefer to spend it by relaxing,
rather than storming the barricades
- See more at: http://www.therightplanet.com/#sthash.jPYBajgL.dpuf
May
Day today is well established in most of the world as International
Labor Day. May 1 also remains a traditional date on which leftists and
anarchists of various stripes take to the streets to demonstrate their
scorn for capitalism. But America, which has proved impervious to
socialism, still celebrates Labor Day in September–and not by marching.
AFL officials in New York long ago gave up holding their annual parade
on Labor Day itself, because it could not compete with the prospect of a
three-day weekend. The parade in recent years has been held on the
following Saturday, and even so has been sparsely attended. This year,
it has been canceled altogether.
Only 12% of the U.S. workforce belongs
to a union these days, down from a peak of 33.2% in 1955. But whether
they belong to a union or not, most Americans still have to work, so
they appreciate a day off–and they prefer to spend it by relaxing,
rather than storming the barricades
- See more at: http://www.therightplanet.com/#sthash.jPYBajgL.dpuf
President
Grover Cleveland signed an act of Congress in 1894 establishing Labor
Day as the first Monday of September because he didn’t want to lend
support to the socialists and anarchists who rallied annually on May 1
to celebrate International Workers’ Day. (Photo credit: Library of
Congress)
Most of the world marks Labor Day on May
1 with parades and rallies. Americans celebrate it in early September,
by heading to the beach or firing up the grill. Why the discrepancy?
Here’s a hint: The answer would have been a great disappointment to
Frederick Engels.
Engels, the co-author of The Communist
Manifesto, had high hopes for May Day, which originated in the United
States. When the socialist-dominated organization known as the Second
International jumped on the American bandwagon and adopted May 1 as
International Labor Day, Engels confidently expected the proletariats of
Europe and America to merge into one mighty labor movement and sweep
capitalism into the dustbin of history.
Things didn’t work out that way, of course, and the divergent Labor Day celebrations are part of the story.
May Day’s origins can be traced to
Chicago, where the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions,
under its leader Samuel Gompers, mounted a general strike on May 1,
1886, as part of its push for an eight-hour work day. On May 4, during a
related labor rally in Haymarket Square, someone threw a bomb, which
killed a policeman and touched off a deadly mêlée. As a result, four
radical labor leaders were eventually hanged on dubious charges.
In 1888, Gompers’s union reorganized
itself as the American Federation of Labor, and revived its push for the
eight-hour day. Gompers laid plans for a strike to begin on May 1,
1890–the fourth anniversary of the walkout that had led to the Haymarket
affair. Meanwhile, in Paris, a group of labor leaders were meeting to
establish the Second International. To these Europeans, the executed
Chicago radicals were revered martyrs. In an act of solidarity, the
Second International set May 1, 1890, as a day of protest.
Engels was thrilled. “As I write these
lines, the proletariat of Europe and America is holding a review of its
forces; it is organized for the first time as one army,” he wrote on the
first May Day. “The spectacle we are now witnessing will make the
capitalists and landowners of all lands realize that today the
proletarians of all lands are, in very truth, united. If only Marx were
with me to see it with his own eyes!”
The first May Day was deemed a success,
so the Second International adopted it as an annual event. And for a few
years, it seemed as though May 1 might be on the way to becoming a
rallying point for socialists in America, as it was elsewhere. The Panic
of 1893 touched off a national wave of bankruptcies that plunged the
nation into a deep depression–and depressions generally push workers
toward radical solutions. Things came to a boil with the Pullman Strike,
which erupted in Chicago in May 1894. The striking Pullman Palace Car
Co. workers quickly won the support of the American Railway Union, led
by Gompers’s rival Eugene V. Debs. Railroad traffic in much of the
country was paralyzed.
President Grover Cleveland, a
conservative Democrat, was determined to squash the strike. But he did
not want to alienate the American Federation of Labor, which was not yet
involved in the Pullman dispute. Moreover, 1894 was a midterm election
year, and the Democratic Party could ill afford to be seen as an enemy
of labor. Cleveland and the Democrats hit upon a possible solution: They
would proclaim a national Labor Day to honor the worker. But not on May
1–that date was tainted by its association with socialists and
anarchists. Fortunately, an alternative was at hand.
Back in September 1882, certain unions
had begun to celebrate a Labor Day in New York City. By 1894, this event
was an annual late-summer tradition in New York and had been adopted by
numerous states, but it was not a national holiday. Nor was it
associated with the radicals who ran the Second International, and who
liked to run riot on May Day.
On the contrary, the September date was
closely associated with Gompers, who was campaigning to have it declared
a national holiday. Gompers opposed the socialists and was guiding the
AFL toward a narrower and less-radical agenda. Gratefully, Cleveland
seized upon the relatively innocuous September holiday as a way to
reward labor without endorsing radicalism. On June 28, 1894, he signed
an act of Congress establishing Labor Day as a federal holiday on the
first Monday of September. (He made a point of sending the signing pen
to Gompers as a souvenir.) Less than a week later, the president sent
federal troops to Chicago. Gompers refused to support the strike, which
soon collapsed.
With his union in ruins, Debs went into
politics, but his Socialist Party ultimately failed to catch on as
America’s party of the left. Organized labor did not regain its momentum
until the 1930s–and by that point, Gompers’s September holiday had been
institutionalized as America’s Labor Day. May Day, meanwhile, had
become the occasion for big annual parades in Moscow’s Red Square, which
did not improve that holiday’s reputation in the United States.
May Day today is well established in
most of the world as International Labor Day. May 1 also remains a
traditional date on which leftists and anarchists of various stripes
take to the streets to demonstrate their scorn for capitalism. But
America, which has proved impervious to socialism, still celebrates
Labor Day in September–and not by marching. AFL officials in New York
long ago gave up holding their annual parade on Labor Day itself,
because it could not compete with the prospect of a three-day weekend.
The parade in recent years has been held on the following Saturday, and
even so has been sparsely attended. This year, it has been canceled
altogether.
Only 12% of the U.S. workforce belongs
to a union these days, down from a peak of 33.2% in 1955. But whether
they belong to a union or not, most Americans still have to work, so
they appreciate a day off–and they prefer to spend it by relaxing,
rather than storming the barricades
- See more at: http://www.therightplanet.com/#sthash.jPYBajgL.dpuf
President
Grover Cleveland signed an act of Congress in 1894 establishing Labor
Day as the first Monday of September because he didn’t want to lend
support to the socialists and anarchists who rallied annually on May 1
to celebrate International Workers’ Day. (Photo credit: Library of
Congress)
Most of the world marks Labor Day on May
1 with parades and rallies. Americans celebrate it in early September,
by heading to the beach or firing up the grill. Why the discrepancy?
Here’s a hint: The answer would have been a great disappointment to
Frederick Engels.
Engels, the co-author of The Communist
Manifesto, had high hopes for May Day, which originated in the United
States. When the socialist-dominated organization known as the Second
International jumped on the American bandwagon and adopted May 1 as
International Labor Day, Engels confidently expected the proletariats of
Europe and America to merge into one mighty labor movement and sweep
capitalism into the dustbin of history.
Things didn’t work out that way, of course, and the divergent Labor Day celebrations are part of the story.
May Day’s origins can be traced to
Chicago, where the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions,
under its leader Samuel Gompers, mounted a general strike on May 1,
1886, as part of its push for an eight-hour work day. On May 4, during a
related labor rally in Haymarket Square, someone threw a bomb, which
killed a policeman and touched off a deadly mêlée. As a result, four
radical labor leaders were eventually hanged on dubious charges.
In 1888, Gompers’s union reorganized
itself as the American Federation of Labor, and revived its push for the
eight-hour day. Gompers laid plans for a strike to begin on May 1,
1890–the fourth anniversary of the walkout that had led to the Haymarket
affair. Meanwhile, in Paris, a group of labor leaders were meeting to
establish the Second International. To these Europeans, the executed
Chicago radicals were revered martyrs. In an act of solidarity, the
Second International set May 1, 1890, as a day of protest.
Engels was thrilled. “As I write these
lines, the proletariat of Europe and America is holding a review of its
forces; it is organized for the first time as one army,” he wrote on the
first May Day. “The spectacle we are now witnessing will make the
capitalists and landowners of all lands realize that today the
proletarians of all lands are, in very truth, united. If only Marx were
with me to see it with his own eyes!”
The first May Day was deemed a success,
so the Second International adopted it as an annual event. And for a few
years, it seemed as though May 1 might be on the way to becoming a
rallying point for socialists in America, as it was elsewhere. The Panic
of 1893 touched off a national wave of bankruptcies that plunged the
nation into a deep depression–and depressions generally push workers
toward radical solutions. Things came to a boil with the Pullman Strike,
which erupted in Chicago in May 1894. The striking Pullman Palace Car
Co. workers quickly won the support of the American Railway Union, led
by Gompers’s rival Eugene V. Debs. Railroad traffic in much of the
country was paralyzed.
President Grover Cleveland, a
conservative Democrat, was determined to squash the strike. But he did
not want to alienate the American Federation of Labor, which was not yet
involved in the Pullman dispute. Moreover, 1894 was a midterm election
year, and the Democratic Party could ill afford to be seen as an enemy
of labor. Cleveland and the Democrats hit upon a possible solution: They
would proclaim a national Labor Day to honor the worker. But not on May
1–that date was tainted by its association with socialists and
anarchists. Fortunately, an alternative was at hand.
Back in September 1882, certain unions
had begun to celebrate a Labor Day in New York City. By 1894, this event
was an annual late-summer tradition in New York and had been adopted by
numerous states, but it was not a national holiday. Nor was it
associated with the radicals who ran the Second International, and who
liked to run riot on May Day.
On the contrary, the September date was
closely associated with Gompers, who was campaigning to have it declared
a national holiday. Gompers opposed the socialists and was guiding the
AFL toward a narrower and less-radical agenda. Gratefully, Cleveland
seized upon the relatively innocuous September holiday as a way to
reward labor without endorsing radicalism. On June 28, 1894, he signed
an act of Congress establishing Labor Day as a federal holiday on the
first Monday of September. (He made a point of sending the signing pen
to Gompers as a souvenir.) Less than a week later, the president sent
federal troops to Chicago. Gompers refused to support the strike, which
soon collapsed.
With his union in ruins, Debs went into
politics, but his Socialist Party ultimately failed to catch on as
America’s party of the left. Organized labor did not regain its momentum
until the 1930s–and by that point, Gompers’s September holiday had been
institutionalized as America’s Labor Day. May Day, meanwhile, had
become the occasion for big annual parades in Moscow’s Red Square, which
did not improve that holiday’s reputation in the United States.
May Day today is well established in
most of the world as International Labor Day. May 1 also remains a
traditional date on which leftists and anarchists of various stripes
take to the streets to demonstrate their scorn for capitalism. But
America, which has proved impervious to socialism, still celebrates
Labor Day in September–and not by marching. AFL officials in New York
long ago gave up holding their annual parade on Labor Day itself,
because it could not compete with the prospect of a three-day weekend.
The parade in recent years has been held on the following Saturday, and
even so has been sparsely attended. This year, it has been canceled
altogether.
Only 12% of the U.S. workforce belongs
to a union these days, down from a peak of 33.2% in 1955. But whether
they belong to a union or not, most Americans still have to work, so
they appreciate a day off–and they prefer to spend it by relaxing,
rather than storming the barricades
- See more at: http://www.therightplanet.com/#sthash.jPYBajgL.dpuf
President
Grover Cleveland signed an act of Congress in 1894 establishing Labor
Day as the first Monday of September because he didn’t want to lend
support to the socialists and anarchists who rallied annually on May 1
to celebrate International Workers’ Day. (Photo credit: Library of
Congress)
Most of the world marks Labor Day on May
1 with parades and rallies. Americans celebrate it in early September,
by heading to the beach or firing up the grill. Why the discrepancy?
Here’s a hint: The answer would have been a great disappointment to
Frederick Engels.
Engels, the co-author of The Communist
Manifesto, had high hopes for May Day, which originated in the United
States. When the socialist-dominated organization known as the Second
International jumped on the American bandwagon and adopted May 1 as
International Labor Day, Engels confidently expected the proletariats of
Europe and America to merge into one mighty labor movement and sweep
capitalism into the dustbin of history.
Things didn’t work out that way, of course, and the divergent Labor Day celebrations are part of the story.
May Day’s origins can be traced to
Chicago, where the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions,
under its leader Samuel Gompers, mounted a general strike on May 1,
1886, as part of its push for an eight-hour work day. On May 4, during a
related labor rally in Haymarket Square, someone threw a bomb, which
killed a policeman and touched off a deadly mêlée. As a result, four
radical labor leaders were eventually hanged on dubious charges.
In 1888, Gompers’s union reorganized
itself as the American Federation of Labor, and revived its push for the
eight-hour day. Gompers laid plans for a strike to begin on May 1,
1890–the fourth anniversary of the walkout that had led to the Haymarket
affair. Meanwhile, in Paris, a group of labor leaders were meeting to
establish the Second International. To these Europeans, the executed
Chicago radicals were revered martyrs. In an act of solidarity, the
Second International set May 1, 1890, as a day of protest.
Engels was thrilled. “As I write these
lines, the proletariat of Europe and America is holding a review of its
forces; it is organized for the first time as one army,” he wrote on the
first May Day. “The spectacle we are now witnessing will make the
capitalists and landowners of all lands realize that today the
proletarians of all lands are, in very truth, united. If only Marx were
with me to see it with his own eyes!”
The first May Day was deemed a success,
so the Second International adopted it as an annual event. And for a few
years, it seemed as though May 1 might be on the way to becoming a
rallying point for socialists in America, as it was elsewhere. The Panic
of 1893 touched off a national wave of bankruptcies that plunged the
nation into a deep depression–and depressions generally push workers
toward radical solutions. Things came to a boil with the Pullman Strike,
which erupted in Chicago in May 1894. The striking Pullman Palace Car
Co. workers quickly won the support of the American Railway Union, led
by Gompers’s rival Eugene V. Debs. Railroad traffic in much of the
country was paralyzed.
President Grover Cleveland, a
conservative Democrat, was determined to squash the strike. But he did
not want to alienate the American Federation of Labor, which was not yet
involved in the Pullman dispute. Moreover, 1894 was a midterm election
year, and the Democratic Party could ill afford to be seen as an enemy
of labor. Cleveland and the Democrats hit upon a possible solution: They
would proclaim a national Labor Day to honor the worker. But not on May
1–that date was tainted by its association with socialists and
anarchists. Fortunately, an alternative was at hand.
Back in September 1882, certain unions
had begun to celebrate a Labor Day in New York City. By 1894, this event
was an annual late-summer tradition in New York and had been adopted by
numerous states, but it was not a national holiday. Nor was it
associated with the radicals who ran the Second International, and who
liked to run riot on May Day.
On the contrary, the September date was
closely associated with Gompers, who was campaigning to have it declared
a national holiday. Gompers opposed the socialists and was guiding the
AFL toward a narrower and less-radical agenda. Gratefully, Cleveland
seized upon the relatively innocuous September holiday as a way to
reward labor without endorsing radicalism. On June 28, 1894, he signed
an act of Congress establishing Labor Day as a federal holiday on the
first Monday of September. (He made a point of sending the signing pen
to Gompers as a souvenir.) Less than a week later, the president sent
federal troops to Chicago. Gompers refused to support the strike, which
soon collapsed.
With his union in ruins, Debs went into
politics, but his Socialist Party ultimately failed to catch on as
America’s party of the left. Organized labor did not regain its momentum
until the 1930s–and by that point, Gompers’s September holiday had been
institutionalized as America’s Labor Day. May Day, meanwhile, had
become the occasion for big annual parades in Moscow’s Red Square, which
did not improve that holiday’s reputation in the United States.
May Day today is well established in
most of the world as International Labor Day. May 1 also remains a
traditional date on which leftists and anarchists of various stripes
take to the streets to demonstrate their scorn for capitalism. But
America, which has proved impervious to socialism, still celebrates
Labor Day in September–and not by marching. AFL officials in New York
long ago gave up holding their annual parade on Labor Day itself,
because it could not compete with the prospect of a three-day weekend.
The parade in recent years has been held on the following Saturday, and
even so has been sparsely attended. This year, it has been canceled
altogether.
Only 12% of the U.S. workforce belongs
to a union these days, down from a peak of 33.2% in 1955. But whether
they belong to a union or not, most Americans still have to work, so
they appreciate a day off–and they prefer to spend it by relaxing,
rather than storming the barricades
- See more at: http://www.therightplanet.com/#sthash.jPYBajgL.dpuf
I clipped this from Ann's Site. I don't agree with everything that she says but that how we independents are. we don't always agree but we respect one anther's different opinions unlike the lemmings of the left. She has good information and this one I thought was pretty good. I have been reading her site for years before I started blogging, a few years she had problems with the IRS, if memory serves and I wonder if it was a political witch hunt on her for she is up there with Pamela Geller. I know that the muslims have a "fatwa" on her to kill her for her blasphemy on islam. I remembered when she withdrew out of the Commodities market after Obama crony Corzine plundered MF Global for 1.6 billion dollars. I remembered that Obama got a 1.6 billion dollar cash infusion for his campaign, I commented and blogged that Corzine was a money bundler for Obama, and nothing happened to Corzine This happened before the 2012 elections Here is her Bio. I from other books and other sources knew that there was a hierarchy or a pecking order with muslims and Anne explained it pretty well.
Interesting Intel About Hillary, Huma and Musloid Racism
Huma Abedin has been in the news quite a lot lately. Yeah. I’ve
been screaming about Huma, who is a high-ranking Musloid Brotherhood
operative, for YEARS. Go to the search box to your right and type in
“Huma Abedin”, and block out a few hours for reading. And since my
website remodeling, my archive only begins at January ARSH 2013. There
was even more before then.
I have a correspondent who lives (for work reasons) deep in the heart
of the musloid world, and shares all kinds of interesting information
with me about the culture and its dynamics. A while back, we were
talking about the racial hierarchy amongst musloids – which is, as you
might expect, one of the most wildly racist (in the true sense of the
term) cultures on earth. They all hate each other. This conversation
then led to the citation of Huma Abedin, and that’s when it got REALLY
interesting.
So, in case you haven’t been paying attention, Huma Abedin is the
daughter of two of the highest-ranking officials in the Muslim
Brotherhood. Huma and her sister have both worked intimately and for
YEARS on the Musloid Brotherhood’s propaganda rag, Journal of Muslim
Minority Affairs, which was founded by her father, and then taken over
by her mother when he died. These people are Musloid Brotherhood
royalty. Everyone knows exactly who they are.
Now Huma Abedin’s father was Indian musloid, and her mother is a Pakistani musloid. Remember this. There will be a quiz later.
Apparently, in the musloid hell-world, the hierarchy of races goes like this:
Caucasian musloids are at the top, and hate EVERYBODY. This group is basically Persians (Iranians), and Turks.
Next are the Arabs. The Caucasians hate their guts but tolerate them
because they have all of the demonic monuments, and because, awkward…
“mohammed” was, according to the fictional backstory, an Arab. So…
yeah.
Next comes the North Africans, who are kinda white, or at least used
to be. But we aren’t allowed to talk about that, because over the last
40 years an entire bullshit narrative about the ancient Egyptians being
dark-skinned blacks has been promulgated, and all lies must be swallowed
whole, with a big toothy grin. Libya, Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco. All
basically caucasoid.
Next in this sad hierarchy comes the East Asians, or as I call them,
‘Da Slants. Shout-out to my Indonesian, Filipino and other rice-eating
friends. But all the musloids listed above hate and look down of the
East Asian musloids.
Next on our little world tour, we fly all the way back to Africa,
where we find the black-skinned, sub-saharan musloids. Nigeria, Sudan,
etc.
Finally, at the bottom of the list are the SOUTH ASIANS. Afghanistan,
India, Bangladesh and Pakistan. They are considered a servant class –
probably because they have some of the highest inbreeding rates, and
their IQ bell curve is skewed very far left.
So, back to Hillary. You all know my position on American politics,
most especially “presidential” elections: IT IS ALL KABUKI THEATER
BULLSHIT. I would sooner sit down and have a serious discussion about the latest in Professional Wrestling than this Hillary-Trump farce. It’s all fake. It’s all been planned out for YEARS.
So, your “president” Hillary is going to be utterly disregarded and
will have ZERO personal authority or gravitas when dealing with musloid
leaders – not unlike Obama, except even worse. And here’s why:
First: Hillary Clinton is a female, and the musloids won’t be keen to
bow and scrape to a woman. I personally CANNOT WAIT for the first time
someone asks Hillary what BILL Clinton thinks of X, Y and Z.
Delicious!
Second: Hillary Clinton is a lesbian. Do you think that these
musloids don’t see the same things we see? The same interviews with
Bill’s mistresses, college acquaintances and Arkansas associates, in
which Hillary’s lesbianism was a VERY open secret?
Third: Hillary Clinton’s lesbian concubine is, by all accounts, Huma
Abedin. They basically live together, and have for years, even
sleeping together when on the road. Huma Abedin was literally Hillary
Clinton’s Monica Lewinsky analogue at exactly the same time in the late
90’s. Abedin was placed in the White House as an intern to Hillary in
1996, and they have been together ever since. Make no mistake, Huma
Abedin will be the Edith Wilson to Hillary’s stroked-out Woodrow. And
Huma Abedin is Pakistani-Indian.
So not only is Hillary a woman and a lesbian, but her concubine is the lowest-of-the-low on the musloid racist totem pole.
But wait! It gets even better!
Up until a few hours ago, Huma Abedin was in a totally, 100% FAKE
marriage to the single most repulsive, odious,
embodying-every-possible-negative-stereotype-about-Jews Jew, Carlos
Danger himself, “The Mongoose”, Anthony Weiner.
Weiner is a textbook somatic narcissist, and sex pervert, having been
drummed out of Congress and then out of the Mayoral race in New York
City for literally sending pictures of his genitals to, well, pretty
much anyone and everyone. But let’s get super-serious for
a moment. In my work on Diabolical Narcissism, what became clear was
that ALL DNs are a CLEAR AND PRESENT DANGER TO CHILDREN. All of them.
And by extension, all sodomites and aberrosexuals of EVERY STRIPE,
because aberrosexuality is derivative of DN, are ALL, EVERY SINGLE ONE,
clear and present dangers to children, including their own children, and
close family members.
Well, yesterday it was revealed that Anthony Weiner texted a shot of
his erection to some random woman with his FOUR YEAR OLD SON, Huma
Abedin’s son, lying next to him asleep in bed.
Huma Abedin knows and has known exactly what kind of a piece of shit
Anthony Weiner is all along. She is Musloid Brotherhood royalty, and
married and bred with the single most repellant Jew alive today, and
then promptly dumped her prop child in the lap of a man she knew to be a
psychopathic sex pervert, so she could go rule the world and rebuild
the Caliphate with her lesbian sugarmama, Cankles.
So, yeah. I, for one, can not wait until Hillary Clinton, on some
state visit to Yemen or some shithole like that, gets shuffled off to
the side, because, let’s face it, the Bangladeshi slave boy that cleans
out the pit toilet outranks her on the social precedence scale.
Here’s a lovely recent shot of Edith and Woodrow Wilson, in matching outfits. Don’t plan on actually digesting your dinner.
I like stuff like this, I am nerd at heart. Batman and Capt America are my favorites, Batman because he is a regular human not a super being, but he uses his intelligence and abilities to do what he does. To me Capt America represents the ideals of the United States. Both are willing to do whats is necessary but remaining true to their moral code.
Just came back from camping.....again. We have finished the 1st weekend of NYLT (National Youth Leadership Training), It is referred as the scout "Woodbadge" course. I am looking to labor day holiday as no other reason than I am home for the weekend. I will be leaving shortly for an overnight company business trip and will return Tuesday evening.
I remembered hearing this song in the 70's then forgot about it and heard it again on a rock station here in Atlanta in 1991 right after I returned from the Gulf and was working at Kawneer ( a defunct door manufacturing facility in Jonesboro, shuttered in the late 90's. I got laid off in 1992 when they went from 2 shifts to one) I was driving to work and this song came on and you know when you hear something it kinda sticks in your brain. Well this song did that, I went out and bought the CD. I consider it a very good driving song that is played loud.
"(Don't Fear) The Reaper" is a song by the American rock band Blue Öyster Cult from their 1976 album, Agents of Fortune. It was written and sung by the band's lead guitarist, Donald "Buck Dharma" Roeser and was produced by David Lucas, Murray Krugman, and Sandy Pearlman. The song is built around Dharma's opening, repetitive guitar riff,
while the lyrics deal with eternal love and the inevitability of death.
Dharma wrote the song while picturing an early death for himself.
Released as an edited single, the song was Blue Öyster Cult's biggest chart success, reaching #7 in Cash Box and #12 on the Billboard Hot 100
in late 1976. Additionally, critical reception was mainly positive and,
in 2004, "(Don't Fear) The Reaper" was listed at number 405 on the Rolling Stone list of the top 500 songs of all time.
"I felt that I had just achieved some kind of resonance with the
psychology of people when I came up with that, I was actually kind of
appalled when I first realized that some people were seeing it as an
advertisement for suicide or something that was not my intention at all.
It is, like, not to be afraid of it (as opposed to actively bring it
about). It's basically a love song where the love transcends the actual
physical existence of the partners."
The song is about the inevitability of death and the foolishness of
fearing it, and was written when Dharma was thinking about what would
happen if he died at a young age. Lyrics such as "Romeo and Juliet are together in eternity" have led many listeners to interpret the song to be about a murder-suicide
pact, but Dharma says the song is about eternal love, rather than
suicide. He used Romeo and Juliet as motifs to describe a couple
believing they would meet again in the afterlife. He guessed that "40,000 men and women" died each day, and the figure was used several times in the lyrics.
Mojo described its creation: "'Guys, this is it!’ engineer Shelly Yakus
announced at the end of the first take. ‘The legendary
once-in-a-lifetime groove!’ … What evolved in the studio was the
extended solo section; it took them nearly as long to edit the
five-minute track down to manageable length as it did to record it."
The song features prominent use of the cowbell percussion instrument, overdubbed on the original recording. Bassist Joe Bouchard remembered the producer requesting his brother, drummer Albert Bouchard,
play the cowbell: "Albert thought he was crazy. But he put all this
tape around a cowbell and played it. It really pulled the track
together." However, producer David Lucas says that he played it, a claim supported by guitarist Eric Bloom
Live Version 1977
The song was on the Billboard Hot 100 chart for 20 weeks, reaching number 12 for the weeks beginning November 6 and November 13 in 1976. It was BÖC's highest-charting U.S. song and helped Agents of Fortune reach number 29 on the Billboard 200. "(Don't Fear) The Reaper" charted even higher in Canada, peaking at number 7. It was not released as a single in the UK until 1978, where it reached number 16 on the UK Singles Chart.
2002 Video
In 1976 Rolling Stone named "(Don't Fear) The Reaper" the song of the year and, in 2004, the magazine placed the song at number 397 on its list of "The 500 Greatest Songs of All Time";however, the 2010 version of the list moved the song down to number 405. In 1997 Mojo listed the song as the 80th best single of all time, while Q ranked "(Don't Fear) The Reaper" number 404 in its 2003 countdown of the "1001 Best Songs Ever.
"More Cowbells"
The song was memorialized in the April 2000 Saturday Night Live (SNL) comedy sketch "More cowbell." The six-minute sketch presents a fictionalized version of the recording of "(Don't Fear) The Reaper" on an episode of VH1's Behind the Music.Will Ferrell wrote the sketch and played Gene Frenkle, an overweight cowbell player. "Legendary" producer Bruce Dickinson, played by Christopher Walken,
asked Frenkle to "really explore the studio space" and up the ante on
his cowbell playing. The rest of the band are visibly annoyed by
Frenkle, but Dickinson tells everyone, "I got a fever, and the only
prescription--is more cowbell!" Buck Dharma thought the sketch was
fantastic and said he never gets tired of it
This Post took a couple of days to do, between work, sleep and work..you know how it goes. I remembered reading about this on wiki a year or so ago. I decided to do a post on something that didn't relate to politics but to history, something that I am a fan of. When I was looking at the pics of the Graf, I could see the similarities with the Japanese designs but with a German twist. I found out that the Germans had gone to Japan to examine the Japanese carrier Akagi, and the designs bear this out. I dug out references from several location from google and "Wiki" to show pics and information on the German carrier. The fate of the Graf showed me that the Germans suffered from "Tactical" mindset and not strategic planning. Their equipment designs and combat tactics reflected this mindset. If the Germans had gotten their capital ships going, the battle of the Atlantic might have had a different outcome.
The Graf Zeppelin-class aircraft carriers were four German Kriegsmarineaircraft carriers planned in the mid-1930s by Grand AdmiralErich Raeder as part of the Plan Z rearmament program after Germany and Great Britain signed the Anglo-German Naval Agreement.
They were planned after a thorough study of Japanese carrier designs;
nevertheless, German naval architects ran into difficulties due to lack
of experience in building such vessels, the situational realities of
carrier operations in the North Sea and the lack of overall clarity in
the ships' mission objectives. This lack of clarity led to features
either eliminated from or not included in American and Japanese carrier
designs. These included a complement of cruiser-type guns for commerce
raiding and defense against British cruisers. American and Japanese
carriers, designed along the lines of task-force defense, used
supporting cruisers for surface firepower, which allowed flight
operations to continue without disruption and kept carriers out of undue
risk of damage or sinking from surface action.
A combination of political infighting between the Kriegsmarine and the Luftwaffe, disputes within the ranks of the Kriegsmarine itself and Adolf Hitler's
waning interest all conspired against the carriers. A shortage of
workers and materials slowed construction still further and, in 1939,
Raeder reduced the number of ships from four to two. Even so, the Luftwaffe trained its first unit of pilots for carrier service and readied it for flight operations. With the advent of World War II, priorities shifted to U-boat construction; one carrier, Flugzeugträger B, was broken up on the slipway while work on the other, Flugzeugträger A (christened Graf Zeppelin) was continued tentatively but suspended in 1940. The air unit scheduled for her was disbanded at that time.
The role of aircraft in the Battle of Taranto, the pursuit of the German battleship Bismarck, the attack on Pearl Harbor and the Battle of Midway
demonstrated conclusively the usefulness of aircraft carriers in modern
naval warfare. With Hitler's authorization, work resumed on the
remaining carrier. Progress was again delayed, this time by the demand
for newer planes specifically designed for carrier use and the need for
modernizing the ship in light of wartime developments. Hitler's
disenchantment with the performance of the Kriegsmarine's surface units led to a final stoppage of work. The ship was captured by the Soviet Union at the end of the war and sunk as a target ship in 1947.
Graf Zeppelin is launched, 8 December 1938.
After 1933, the Kriegsmarine began to examine the possibility of building an aircraft carrier.[1] Wilhelm Hadeler had been Assistant to the Professor of Naval Construction at the Technical University of Berlin for nine years when he was appointed to draft preliminary designs for an aircraft carrier in April 1934. Hadeler's first design was a 22,000-long-ton (22,000 t) ship that could carry 50 aircraft and steam at 35 knots (65 km/h; 40 mph). The Anglo-German Naval Agreement, signed on 18 June 1935, allowed Germany to construct aircraft carriers with total displacement up to 38,500 tons,
though Germany was limited to 35% of total British tonnage in any
category of warship. The Kriegsmarine then decided to scale back
Hadeler's design to 19,250 long tons (19,560 t), which would permit the
construction of two ships within the 35% limit.
The design staff decided that the new carrier would need to be able
to defend itself against surface combatants, which necessitated armor
protection to the standard of a heavy cruiser. A battery of sixteen 15 cm (5.9 in) guns were deemed sufficient to defend the ship from destroyers. In 1935, Adolf Hitler
announced that Germany would construct aircraft carriers to strengthen
the Kriegsmarine. A Luftwaffe officer, a naval officer, and a
constructor visited Japan in the autumn of 1935 to obtain flight deck
equipment blueprints and inspect the Japanese aircraft carrier Akagi. The Germans also unsuccessfully attempted to examine the British carrier HMS Furious.
The keel of Graf Zeppelin was laid down on 28 December 1936, on the slipway that had recently held the battleshipGneisenau. The ship was built by the Deutsche Werke shipyard in Kiel. Two years later, Großadmiral (Grand Admiral) Erich Raeder presented an ambitious shipbuilding program called Plan Z which would build up the Kriegsmarine
to a point where it could challenge the British Royal Navy in the North
Sea. Under Plan Z, by 1945 as part of the balanced force the navy would
have four carriers; the pair of Graf Zeppelin-class ships were the first two in the plan. Hitler approved the construction program on 1 March 1939. In 1938, a second carrier, ordered under the provisional name "B", was laid down at the Germaniawerft dockyard in Kiel. Graf Zeppelin was launched on 8 December 1938.
The Graf Zeppelin class's hull was divided into 19 watertight compartments, the standard division for all capital ships in the Kriegsmarine.
Their belt armor was to vary from 100 mm (3.9 in) over the machinery
spaces and aft magazines, to 60 mm (2.4 in) over the forward magazines
and tapered down to 30 mm (1.2 in) at the bows. Stern armor was kept at
80 mm (3.1 in) to protect the steering gear. Inboard of the main armor
belt was a 20 mm (0.79 in) anti-torpedo bulkhead.
Graf Zeppelin at Kiel, June 1940, displaying her newly
rebuilt bow. Also visible are her 15 cm casemate guns, before their
removal to defend occupied Norway. The photo is marked Geheim ("secret").
Horizontal armor protection against aerial bombs and plunging
shellfire started with the flight deck, which acted as the main strength
deck. The armor was generally 20 mm (0.79 in) thick except for those
areas around the elevator shafts and funnel uptakes where thickness
increased to 40 mm (1.6 in) in order to give the elevators necessary
structural strength and the critical uptakes greater splinter
protection.
Beneath the lower hangar was the main armored deck (or tween deck)
where armor thickness varied from 60 mm (2.4 in) over the magazines to
40 mm (1.6 in) over the machinery spaces. Along the peripheries, it
formed a 45 degree slope where it joined the lower portion of the
waterline belt armor.
The Graf Zeppelins' original length-to-beam ratio was 9.26:1,
resulting in a slender silhouette. However, in May 1942, the
accumulating top-weight of recent design changes required the addition
of deep bulges to either side of Graf Zeppelin's hull, decreasing that ratio to 8.33:1 and giving her the widest beam of any carrier designed prior to 1942. The bulges served mainly to improve Graf Zeppelin's
stability but they also gave her an added degree of anti-torpedo
protection and increased her operating range because selected
compartments were designed to store approximately 1500 tons more fuel
oil. Graf Zeppelin's
straight-stemmed prow was rebuilt in early 1940 with the addition of a
more sharply angled "Atlantic prow", intended to improve overall
seakeeping. This added 5.2 m (17 ft) to her overall length.The Graf Zeppelins'
steel flight deck, overlaid with wooden planking, was 242 m (794 ft)
long by 30 m (98 ft) wide at its maximum. It had a slight round down
right aft and overhung the main superstructure but not the stern; being
supported by steel girders. At the bow, the carriers were to have an
open forecastle and the leading edge of her flight deck was uneven
(mainly due to the blunt ends of her catapult tracks), but it did not
appear likely that would have caused any undue air turbulence. Careful
wind-tunnel studies using models confirmed this, but they also revealed
that their long low island structure would generate a vortex over the
flight deck in these tests when the ship yawed to port. This was
considered to be an acceptable hazard when conducting air operations.[16]
Hangars
The Graf Zeppelin class's upper and lower hangars were long
and narrow with unarmored sides and ends. Workshops, stores and crew
quarters were located outboard of the hangars, a design feature similar
to that of British carriers.
The upper hangar measured 185 m (607 ft) x 16 m (52 ft); the lower
hangar 172 m (564 ft) x 16 m (52 ft). The upper hangar had 6 m (20 ft)
vertical clearance while the lower hangar had 0.3 m (1 ft 0 in) less
headroom due to the ceiling braces. Total usable hangar space was
5,450 m2 (58,700 sq ft) with stowage for 41 aircraft: 18 Fieseler Fi 167 torpedo bombers in the lower hangar; 13 Junkers Ju 87C dive bombers and 10 Messerschmitt Bf 109T fighters in the upper hangar.
Aircraft
Bf 109T-1.
The expected role of the Graf Zeppelin class was that of a seagoing scouting platform and her initial planned air group reflected that emphasis: 20 Fieseler Fi 167 biplanes for scouting and torpedo attack, 10 Messerschmitt Bf 109 fighters, and 13 Junkers Ju 87 dive bombers.
This was later changed to 30 Bf 109 fighters and 12 Ju 87 dive-bombers
as carrier doctrine in Japan, Great Britain and the United States
shifted away from purely reconnaissance duties toward offensive combat
missions.
In late 1938, the Technische Amt RLM (Technical Office of the Reichsluftfahrtministerium
or State Ministry of Aviation) requested that Messerschmitt's Augsburg
design bureau draw up plans for a carrier-borne version of the Bf 109E
fighter, to be designated Bf 109T (the "T" standing for Träger or
Carrier).
By December 1940, the RLM decided to complete only seven
carrier-equipped Bf 109T-1s and to finish the remainder as land-based
T-2s since work on Graf Zeppelin had ceased back in April and there appeared to be little likelihood she would then be commissioned any time soon. When work on Graf Zeppelin ceased, the T-2s were deployed to Norway. At the end of 1941, when interest in completing Graf Zeppelin
revived, the surviving Bf 109 T-2s were withdrawn from front-line
service in order to again prepare them for possible carrier duty. Seven
T-2s were rebuilt to T-1 standards and handed over to the Kriegsmarine
on 19 May 1942. By December, a total of 48 Bf 109T-2s had been converted
back into T-1s. 46 of these were stationed at Pillau in East Prussia
and reserved for use aboard the carrier. By February 1943, however, all
work on Graf Zeppelin had ceased and the aircraft were returned to Luftwaffe service in April.
A Fieseler Fi 167, the fifth of 12 pre-production machines, banks through the clouds on a test flight.
When work on Graf Zeppelin was suspended in May 1940, the 12 completed Fi 167s were organized into Erprobungsstaffel
167 for the purpose of conducting further operational trials. By the
time work on the carrier resumed two years later in May 1942, the Fi 167
was no longer considered adequate for its intended role and the
Technische Amt decided to replace it with a modified torpedo-carrying
version of the Junkers Ju 87D.
Ten Ju 87C-0 pre-production aircraft were built and sent to the testing
facilities at Rechlin and Travemünde where they underwent extensive
service trials, including catapult launches and simulated deck landings.
But of the 170 Ju 87C-1 ordered, only a few saw completion, suspension
of work on Graf Zeppelin in May 1940 resulting in cancellation of
the entire order. Existing aircraft and those airframes in process were
eventually converted back into Ju 87B-2s.
Work on developing a torpedo-carrying version of the Ju 87D for
anti-shipping sorties in the Mediterranean had already commenced in
early 1942 when the possibility again arose that Graf Zeppelin
might be completed. As the Fieseler Fi 167 was now considered obsolete,
the Technische Amt requested that Junkers modify the Ju 87D-4 into a
carrier-borne torpedo-bomber/recon plane to be designated Ju 87E-1. But
when all further work on Graf Zeppelin was halted for good in
February 1943, the entire order was canceled. None of the Ju 87Ds
converted to carry a torpedo were used operationally. By May 1942, when work was ordered resumed on Graf Zeppelin, the older Bf 109T carrier-borne fighter was considered obsolete. By September 1942 detailed plans for the new fighter, the Me 155, were completed. When it became apparent Graf Zeppelin
would not be commissioned for at least another two years, Messerschmitt
was unofficially told to shelve the projected fighter design. No
prototype of the carrier-borne version of the plane was ever
constructed.
On 1 August 1938, four months prior to Graf Zeppelin's launch date, the Luftwaffe formed its first carrier-based air unit, designated Trägergruppe I/186, on Rugia Island near Burg. It was composed of three squadrons (Staffeln)
and was intended to serve aboard both carriers when completed. By
October, however, shipyard construction delays resulted in disbandment
of the air group as it was considered too large and costly to maintain
given the uncertainty over when the two vessels would be ready for sea
trials. Instead, on 1 November that same year a single fighter squadron (Trägerjagdstaffel)
was created, 6./186, and placed under the command of Cpt. Heinrich
Seeliger. Later, a dive bomber squadron was added, 4./186, equipped with
Ju 87Bs under Cpt. Blattner. Six months after, in July 1939, a second
fighter squadron was formed, 5./186, under Oberleutnant Gerhard Kadow and partly staffed with pilots culled from 6./186. By August the three squadrons were reorganised into Trägergruppe II/186 under the command of Major Walter Hagen in anticipation that Graf Zeppelin would be ready for service trials by the summer of 1940.
Fate after the war
In
April 1943 Graf Zeppelin was towed eastward, first to Gotenhafen, then
to the roadstead at Swinemünde and finally berthed at a wharf in the
Parnitz River, two miles from Stettin.
There she languished for the next two years with only a 40-man
custodial crew in attendance. When Red Army forces neared the city in
April 1945, the ship’s Kingston valves were opened, flooding her lower
spaces and settling her firmly into the mud in shallow water.
At
6pm on April 25th 1945, just as the Russians entered Stettin, commander
Wolfgang Kähler radioed the squad to detonate the explosives. Smoke
billowing from the carrier’s funnel confirmed the charges had gone off,
rendering the ship useless to her new owners for many months to come.
The
Soviets decided to repair the damaged ship and it was refloated in
March 1946 and enlisted in the Baltic Fleet as aircraft carrier
Zeppelin. The last known photo of the carrier is dated April 7th, 1947.
For many years, no other information about the ship’s fate was
available. After the opening of the Soviet archives, new light was shed
on the mystery. What is known is that the carrier was as “PB-101”
(Floating Base Number 101) in February 3, 1947, until, on August 16,
1947, it was used as a practice target for Soviet ships and aircraft.
Allegedly
the Soviets installed aerial bombs on the flight deck, in hangars and
even inside the funnels (to simulate a load of combat munitions), and
then dropped bombs from aircraft and fired shells and torpedoes at it.
By
this point, the Cold War was underway, and the Soviets were well aware
of the large numbers and central importance of aircraft carriers in the
U.S. Navy, which in the event of an actual war between the Soviet Union
and the United States would be targets of high strategic importance.
After
being hit by 24 bombs and projectiles, the ship did not sink and had to
be finished off by two torpedoes. The exact position of the wreck was
unknown for decades.
The Wreck was discovered in 2006 by Polish researchers in the Baltic off Władysławowo, at the head of the Hel Peninsula.
Before I get into my "Monday Music", I went camping this weekend with the O.A. and went through another "Ordeal", this one was the fall one. The kids did well all weekend and the work they did at the entrance to the scouting base looks real good.
I got a couple of pictures of the ordeal ceremony.
This is my son in Regalia he is "Nutiket"
"Kitchkinet and Allowat Sakima performing the roles during the ceremony"
All the scouts did well this past weekend, despite my hand being wrapped up, I did participate.
I heard this song on the "70's" channel when I was driving to work and I vaguely remember this song when it first came out in 1978. It was a bit different than the disco that was still prevalent at this time. I thought the band had a lot of talent but this song was their only hit to make the billboard.
"Driver's Seat" is a 1978 song by the Welsh band Sniff 'n' the Tears that appears on their debut album, Fickle Heart. The band is considered a one-hit wonder as "Driver's Seat" was their only hit.
The genesis of the song dates back to 1973 and a demo tape recorded for a French record label by singer/guitaristPaul Roberts
for the band Ashes of Moon. However, that band broke up and, at the
suggestion of drummer Luigi Salvoni, Roberts re-formed it as Sniff 'n'
the Tears with guitarists Laurence "Loz" Netto and Mick Dyche and bassist Nick South. They shopped the demo tape and signed with the small Chiswick label in 1977.
According to Paul Roberts, "Driver's Seat" isn't about driving, but
rather "fragmented, conflicting thoughts and emotions that might follow
the break-up of a relationship". One of the key decisions in arranging
the song was to start with drums and additively bring in other
instruments.
"Driver's Seat" reached number 15 on the AmericanBillboard Pop Singles chart in the fall of 1979, and reached the top 10 in The Netherlands in November 1980.
